March 13, 2026
Outcry Over Amendment Bill: MWRAG Warns Plan to Scrap Gender Commission Threatens Women’s Rights

Outcry Over Amendment Bill: MWRAG Warns Plan to Scrap Gender Commission Threatens Women’s Rights

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By A Correspondent – The Masvingo Women Rights Advocacy Group (MWRAG) has raised alarm over the proposed Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 of 2026, warning that it could significantly weaken protections for women and girls in Zimbabwe.


At the centre of the controversy is a plan to absorb the Zimbabwe Gender Commission (ZGC) into the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission (ZHRC).

Though presented as an administrative restructuring measure, MWRAG argues that the proposal poses a serious threat to gender equality, women’s rights, and democratic accountability.


The urgency of the issue escalated on 16 February 2026, when the Speaker of Parliament gazetted Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment No. 3, officially launching a 90-day public consultation process ahead of parliamentary debate and voting.

For women and girls across the country, MWRAG says this marks a decisive moment that will determine whether a key constitutional safeguard for gender justice is preserved or dismantled.


The ZGC was established under Sections 245–247 of the Constitution as an independent commission with a specialised mandate. Its responsibilities include investigating gender-based discrimination, monitoring gender mainstreaming in public institutions, promoting equality, and ensuring compliance with constitutional gender-balance requirements.


However, Clauses 17 and 18 of the proposed amendment seek to transfer these functions to the ZHRC, effectively subsuming gender-specific oversight within a broader human-rights body that MWRAG says is already overstretched.


According to the advocacy group, such a move would strip the ZGC of its independence, specialised expertise, operational autonomy, and ring-fenced funding — features they describe as essential for effectively addressing gender-based violence, workplace discrimination, harmful cultural practices, and the systemic exclusion of women from political and economic spaces.


MWRAG argues that diluting these functions under a general human-rights commission risks making gender-specific violations less visible and less effectively addressed.
The organisation points to the ZGC’s track record as evidence of why its independence matters.

The commission conducted Zimbabwe’s first national inquiry into sexual harassment, exposing widespread abuse in workplaces and educational institutions and prompting policy reforms. It has also investigated political violence against women, particularly during election periods, and has consistently pushed public institutions to comply with constitutional gender-parity obligations.


For many grassroots women, especially in rural and peri-urban communities, the ZGC has served as an accessible, gender-sensitive complaints mechanism and an important pathway to justice.


MWRAG further argues that the proposed absorption undermines Chapter 12 of the Constitution, which establishes independent commissions to support democracy, human rights, and accountability. It also raises concerns about Parliament’s obligation under Section 119 to uphold and protect constitutional institutions.


On the international stage, the group warns that the amendment could place Zimbabwe at odds with its commitments under agreements such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Maputo Protocol, the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, and the Beijing Platform for Action — all of which call for strong, independent gender-equality institutions.


Despite the seriousness of the threat, MWRAG says the moment also presents an opportunity for collective mobilisation. The proposed amendment has galvanised women’s rights organisations, including those within the Alliance for Gender Justice and Community Development, to intensify advocacy, public education, and engagement during the consultation period.


The group maintains that defending the continued existence of the Zimbabwe Gender Commission is not merely an institutional matter, but a fundamental question about whether gender justice will remain a constitutional priority in Zimbabwe’s democratic framework.


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